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Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “A Systematic Review of Risk Factors Implicated in the Suicide of Police Officers”, by Krishnan, N.; Steene, L. M. B.; Lewis, M.; Marshall, D. and Ireland, J. L. (2022), in which authors carry out an investigation on previous literature about the suicide of police officers, trying to identify which are the most important risk factors.

Mental health problems are a major complication for approximately 300 million people worldwide. Within these, there are suicidal behaviors and/or suicidal ideation, which are of considerable concern to the general population, with more than 700,000 suicide deaths per year worldwide

In small communities and closed groups, such as law enforcement, physicians, or emergency service workers, the immediate and long-term impacts of suicide can be exacerbated by the “ripple” effect that can occur from witnessing trauma firsthand. 

Data from the UK Office for National Statistics, shows that there have been a total of 169 suicides by police officers between 2011 and 2019, averaging approximately 21 deaths per year. 

Taking global statistics into account and comparing them with UK law enforcement statistics, some researchers have described the phenomenon in the latter context as an “epidemic” of great severity.

Despite these strong claims, other authors have questioned the classification of suicide as the leading cause of death among law enforcement officers. Problems in the assessment and collection of suicide statistics make accurate estimation of the problem increasingly difficult. 

Regardless of whether police officers experience higher rates of suicide compared with the general population, it is also of concern because officers are assumed to receive, at least in the United Kingdom (the context of this study), adequate support through training, health-related benefits, and counseling. 

Therefore, authors decided, in this study, to investigate the risk factors and predictors underpinning suicide in this population group

While general expert consensus holds that suicide causation is multidimensional, the literature reports three keys, or three particular levels of stressors believed to be involved in completed suicide in law enforcement personnel: first, personal or individual stressors appear; then, occupational factors; finally, organizational problems

Personal stressors refer to factors internal to the officer, such as mental disorders or substance use. Occupational factors refer to the demands that are considered part of the job, such as interacting with victims and offenders of crime and interacting with the justice system. And organizational issues include concerns about how little support they may receive at times, bureaucratic duties, and lack of career advancement opportunities in certain contexts. All of these can increase the likelihood of suicidal behavior. 

To delve further into the topic, authors decided to investigate previous literature related to suicides and police officers, in order to further expand information on risk factors. 

Five apparent determinants were revealed: problematic substance use at a time close to death, the presence of depression and previous suicide attempts, differences in the response to trauma they may experience, excessive and prolonged exposure to work-related stress, and the absence of a stable intimate relationship. When these factors coexist, they appear to be associated with an increased likelihood of suicidal behaviors. 

40% of the included studies identified problematic substance use as pervasive and directly related. More specifically, the findings indicated an increasing trajectory of substance use in the days and hours prior to the suicidal event. 

Mental health problems, most particularly depressive disorders and previous suicide attempts, were identified by the majority of police studies (50%). Interestingly, female officers reported higher depression scores compared to males.

Contradictory findings were also found that suggest the need for further research on the subject, since, in a 2004 study, the idea was proposed that officers with more years in police service were less susceptible to trauma-related stress and, therefore, to suicidal tendencies, but there is another view, which is the most predominant one, and holds that people exposed to multiple traumatic episodes are more likely to present symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. 

On the other hand, it seems that having a partner is not enough for it to be considered a protective factor, but that the quality of the relationship is the key, and what actually provides the protective function. 

As we can see, there are some findings that coincide, but others that can generate great debate, so the authors suggest continuing to investigate and study this topic, so that light can continue to be shed on it and, consequently, to prevent it.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Master of Science in Criminal Profiling or our Master of Science in Anti-Fraud Behavioral Analysis, 100% online programs that can be taken in Spanish or English, with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “The seductions of cybercrime: Adolescence and the thrills of digital transgression”, by Goldsmith, A. and Wall, D. S. (2022), in which authors think about what seduces young people from cybercrime, and also give ideas on what can be done in terms of criminal policy and education to mitigate the negative effects of new technologies.

The Internet is a public tool that has been with us in our daily lives for more than 30 years. However, in this time, it has captivated and seduced more than half of the planet’s population. It is estimated that approximately 4.5 billion people were internet users as of June 30, 2019. 

Young people under the age of 30, who have grown up with the internet and have grown up with it, are more likely than older people to have access to it and spend more time surfing the web, searching, playing games and using social networks, among other activities. 

Internet possibilities are virtually limitless, as is its appeal for entertainment, leisure and distraction. Given its relative novelty and global reach, much attention has been paid in recent years to the disadvantages that have emerged. 

Above all, there is great concern about Internet safety, such as its use by adults to exploit children, or its use by children to bully other minors. 

In this article, authors explore the importance of the Internet in terms of attractiveness to teenagers between 12-19 years. 

To do so, they use as a basis a 1988 study by Jack Katz on juvenile burglars and graffiti artists because authors believe it provides them with some useful analogies for thinking about the connection between the emotional impulses of young people and the commission of crime.

But why are young people a special population group? We have already discussed it in older posts, but let’s dig a little deeper. 

This group has three main socioemotional tasks: developing an identity, learning about intimacy, and discovering their sexuality. They seek information and validation, through communication with their peers in particular. In addition, they are often drawn to extreme and risky content and stimuli, but as they grow older, they are also interested in personal autonomy and adult life. During adolescence there is also considerable impulsivity that often limits young people’s capacity for self-control. 

The Internet responds to these needs for autonomy, competence and relationships. 

Within environmental criminology, Clarke proposes the idea that individuals without pre-existing dispositions to crime may be drawn into criminal behavior by the proliferation of opportunities. That is, situations could shape motivations through suggestion and intensification of feelings, along with opportunities to commit crime. And we already know that the Internet is, first and foremost, the opportunity for opportunity. 

Authors focus on several crimes: they talk about piracy, harassment (sexual and not sexual) and other crime typologies, but they focus on the consumption of pornography as a criminogenic factor. 

In an experiment conducted in the UK, an apparently legal website was observed for 88 days, which, once inside, offered the opportunity to connect to hardcore pornography websites. It had 803 visitors during this time, and of these, 457 people clicked on the advert for the pornography page, leading the researchers to the conclusion that most internet users would not resist the temptation. 

There seems to be little doubt that, at least in some cases of serious sexual offenses, online pornography consumption is involved in one way or another. Of great concern is that the first exposure to online pornography is occurring earlier and earlier, during early adolescence or even childhood. The exposure of minors to the Internet for long periods of time and without supervision makes them more vulnerable to this type of content, to which they sometimes access involuntarily. 

If we add this to the idea that young people look for strong emotions, are more impulsive and are attracted to the most extreme and transgressive content, often out of simple curiosity, we have a problem that can be serious. 

For many young people, the Internet is a rich, seductive place, full of attractive offers and “forbidden” emotions. For those who are prone to curiosity and sensation seeking, it can be very difficult not to give in to its charms.

Without ignoring class, peer influence, family background, poverty or addictions, there must be a deeper understanding of the persuasiveness of technologies in operating in young people’s lives. 

Policy should consist of interventions that consider, in general, the lack of life experience of young people who commit their first offenses under the influence of or through the Internet, and authors argue that punitive responses should be applied sparingly. 

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Master of Science in Criminal Profiling or our Master of Science in Anti-Fraud Behavioral Analysis, 100% online programs that can be taken in Spanish or English, with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Analysis of Cybercrime on Social Media Platforms and Its Challenges”, by Almansoori, A.; Abdallah, S.; Alshamsi, M. and Salloum, S. A. (2021), in which authors carry out an analysis of crimes that have been committed in the last few years and that are closely related to the development of technologies, internet and social networks.  

Cyberspace has reached every part of the planet, and is like a universe accessible from every corner of the globe. 

Advances in cybersecurity, technology and methods to protect software, networks and data associated with computers, have managed to prevent millions of attacks from malicious individuals and, in general, cybercriminals. 

Shockingly, the greatest cybersecurity efforts do not completely prevent cyberattacks, and so the need to remain vigilant and protect against these activities has become increasingly important in recent years.

This may seem simple, but a factor that makes this task extremely difficult comes into play, which, moreover, is an unprecedented phenomenon: social networks. 

We can define them as a group of Internet applications that allow the creation and exchange of content generated by different users. LinkedIn, YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat… help to build social relationships and online communities that can become very strong, which is considered a valuable asset for many purposes. 

They provide many novel opportunities for socializing and interacting with users that have redefined the previously known approach to information sharing: from publicly expressing opinions, to news circulation, to online business or advertising. All of this, due to the global presence of the Internet, allows content to reach as many parts of the world as possible. 

And, as good as this is, it has a dark and dangerous side: people become easy and obvious targets for cybercriminals through social networks. 

To safeguard the integrity and security of individuals, organizations are constantly increasing technology and security budgets so that these social networks can be protected in a way that seals the information available from them. 

This research aimed to understand the characteristics of the crimes being committed through the Internet and social networks, and to identify what kind of efforts the police should make to control them. What types of attacks and crimes are occurring? What are the demographics of the majority of offenders? 

Authors conducted an analysis of different social networking platforms focusing on threats and offenses, arriving at 574 observations. Each of these observations was identified with a person suspected of having committed any form of cybercrime on these social networks. Cases were counted from 2014 to 2018. 

Most crimes occurred in 2018, with 28.1% of the total; then 2015 with 20.1%. According to the data, there were 300 cases of fraud, 100 cases approximately of child pornography, and other statistically less relevant crimes, such as stalking or grooming. 

Most of the offenders were found to have prior criminal records. About 70% had a prior record for some crime, while 30% did not. 

As for the educational background of the suspects, they had little formal education, about 70% had only basic education, and 30% had graduated from some form of higher education. 

About 61% of the offenders came from very poor backgrounds, while those from middle and upper class constituted the remaining 39%. 

On the other hand, most offenders were between 20 and 25 years old, with a significant peak at 22 years old. 

Online social networking sites must identify the core aspects of human and social connectivity through accurate and robust methodologies that ensure privacy, protection and build trust between the platform and the user at all times. 

Governments, along with intelligence services, must be trained to adopt and frame the technologies. The amount of data flowing in social networks must be analyzed in a very rigorous way. 

Another important point is the awareness of the individual, as people must be responsible with the content they share and the social networks they use. 

Knowing the demographics of the majority of cybercriminals can be of great use to law enforcement, as they can then follow a basic guide as to where they should focus resources and investigations, thus helping to identify the individuals most likely to be the perpetrators of this type of crime. 

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Master of Science in Criminal Profiling or our Master of Science in Anti-Fraud Behavioral Analysis, 100% online programs that can be taken in Spanish or English, with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Different places, different problems: profiles of crime and disorder at residential parcels”, by O’Brien, D. T.; Ristea, A.; Hangen, F. and Tucker, R. (2022), in which authors carry out a study to know how the crime varies according to the place in the city.

In the past few years there has been a growing interest in the study of problematic areas in cities, as they are considered to have very high concentrations of crime and social disorder. 

Literature to date has revealed that there are important differences in the different zones: what crime is like, what the disorganization is like in them… but there hasn’t been a deep study of the subject. 

With the most recent research, it has been seen that there are many variations of disorder and criminality depending on the neighborhood; for example, there are some of them with social disorder, but no physical disorder, and so on. Understanding this diversity would be very important in order to prepare better the interventions to mitigate the negative consequences of the issue. 

In the current study, plots of different areas of Boston are studied. The first objective is to know whether they all exhibit crime and disorder in similar ways or whether they differ in multiple profiles. On the other hand, the authors aim to get, with the typology obtained, how, and to what extent, different types of crime and disorder coexist. 

One idea mentioned by the authors is that, as a general rule, much more attention is usually paid to places with a high crime rate, which, ironically, represent a very small proportion of the communities. 

This is something that criminology specialized in the subject has already mentioned in the most recent studies. It explains that between 4 and 6% of problematic streets in a city represent more than the 50% of the crimes that occur in the whole city, regardless of its type or its size. 

It has also been shown that concentrations of crime on a certain street tend to persist over time, and when crime increases or decreases on that type of streets, it is often an indicator of citywide crime trends. 

On the other hand, based on previous literature, it looks that property parcels that experience many burglaries maintain this trend over time. 

It is interesting to mention the “crime pattern theory”, which argues that the activities and people associated with a particular place determine the frequency and way in which offenders, victims, and context interact with each other. This, in turn, shapes the likelihood and nature of crime and disorder in the place. 

Thus, situational crime prevention emphasizes the need to use small modifications in these places so that they alter their opportunity structure. For example, providing better lines of sight to those in charge of security in the area, or designating the role of “place manager” to property owners in the area. 

The current study analyzes the distribution of various types of crime and disorder in a series of residential parcels in Boston, Massachusetts (USA). For this purpose, records from the emergency telephone number, 911, were used. A total of 81,673 plots were studied. 

The analysis identified several disorder and crime profiles in the areas analyzed: four of the most important were public denigration, private neglect, private conflicts, and gun-related events. It also identified the existence of so-called “violent centers” that concentrate many types of problems. The latter were almost completely isolated from other troubled neighborhoods. 

The authors comment, interestingly, that the crime and disorder profiles of each parcel tended to specialize in a single type of problem, with the exception of violent centers that combined several problems (but accounted for only 0.2% of the total). 

This tendency can be understood in terms of routine activities and related theories. Each place is characterized by the people who frequent it, their propensity to offend, the contextual factors of the place… This makes the specialization more striking, as it could be that something about the individuals involved, or something in their dynamics, makes them prone to experience a problem or live events and circumstances that make them more vulnerable to one type of delinquency. 

The findings are important because they show the need to take measures that are tailored to the neighborhoods where they will be applied, so that their effectiveness is as expected, and the tools used are specialized and nuanced to perfect the interventions. 

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Mechanisms for protecting children’s rights and the role of psychological services in the juvenile justice system of Russia against the background of international practices”, by Orsayeva, R.; Vasyaev, A. and Shestak, V. (2022), in which authors carry out a critical analysis about the current situation of the criminal system and criminal procedure system in Russia, applied to minors and young people.

Children’s rights’ protection remains one of the most serious challenges that modern societies are facing. 

Despite the efforts of the authorities and society to improve the protection of children, the strategies aimed at some issues, such as the interventions of young people in the penal system or prevention so that they do not suffer violence and the abandonment by their families, have not been resolved.

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child has been ratified by all European countries and has helped to strengthen the culture of child protection. However, the obtained results are not the expected ones.

Furthermore, in juvenile justice, violations of children’s rights are everywhere, and it seems that in the last decade there has been a regression rather than a progress or even a stagnation. This can be explained because, perhaps, society does not know exactly how the rights of the child can contribute and improve the juvenile justice system.

Regarding the protection of children’s rights and the juvenile justice system in Russia, there is a problem of discrepancy between the rights declared by law and the rights that are effectively applied.

A separate topic is the characteristics and psychological problems of adolescents in the justice system. In the last 10 years, only in the US, the percentage of young people who had had contact with the penal system and who, in addition, had mental health problems, amounted to 70%.

The aim of this study is to analyze the status and effectiveness of child rights protection mechanisms in Russia, to compare it with the laws of other states, doing the same with the juvenile justice system. The problem of mental health in young people who come into contact with this system is also briefly reviewed.

In the legal field, there are many discussions about the negative aspects of juvenile justice and its implementation in Russia.

The main negative aspect is the state control over the family. Juvenile justice workers are authorized to take the child away from his/her family when the parents are accused of abuse, inability to provide adequate nutrition, inadequate financial situation, among others.

Therefore, society is scared that families may be deprived of their children, as there are a large number of them living in poverty.

However, these fears are exaggerated. The objective of juvenile justice is simply to be a guarantee of the basic rights of the child and action will only be taken when there is evidence of these accusations.

In addition, in Russia, the juvenile justice system is based on the subjective opinions of the representatives of its organs, therefore, in a significant number of cases, the courts do not satisfy requests for placement in a juvenile detention center. In addition, there is no professional psychological evaluation in court, and it is well known that, based on these, social and psychological measures are planned and organized in order to maximize the success of the child’s development.

Regarding the problem of mental health, numerous studies confirm that a significant proportion of young people in the juvenile justice system suffer from a diagnosable mental disorder. According to available data in Russia, among adolescent offenders, the number of people with mental disorders is at least 50% of cases.

Authors propose that the system’s priority should be to dedicate resources to social programs aimed at preventing juvenile delinquency, in addition to providing opportunities for those who are prone to offending. It is extremely important to support both the police and other authorities, as well as programs aimed at people at risk.

School personnel, social services, non-profit organizations and society must make a great effort. It is through the exercise of all powers that the integrity of the juvenile justice system can be maintained while providing appropriate alternatives to minors who are unable or unwilling to obtain assistance.

Furthermore, to finish developing fair justice, authors think that Russia must go beyond the legal concept of justice, and change to one that can combat inequalities of any kind, be they of a criminal or social nature. This would be particularly important in the context of youth, as they are affected by unfair policies, as authors comment. This would be the social justice approach that they consider can point the way forward.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Radicalization in Adolescence: the Identification of Vulnerable Groups”, by Schröder, C. P.; Bruns, J.; Lehmann, L.; Goede, L. R.; Bliesener, T. and Tomczyk, S. (2022), in which authors carry out a study to identify the risk factors of radicalization in young people. 

One of the issues that has most concerned criminal experts in recent years has been that of violent radicalization.

This is understood as a process that begins early in life and that can lead to extremism, including terrorist acts. It is characterized by the complex interaction of many individual and social factors, and is manifested in different ideas, attitudes and behaviors.

Since the beginnings of radicalization are often observed at young ages, many experts have focused their analysis and work on adolescents. In addition, adolescents are the group that is most interesting to study, because they are at a special stage in their development, since it is in adolescence when people are more vulnerable.

From an evolutionary perspective, adolescence represents a particularly relevant period for the development of identity, as well as a series of norms and a value system.

Adolescents are, therefore, especially vulnerable because they also begin to seek to belong to a group, obtain recognition and thus strengthen their identity. All this happens when they are 14-16 years.

They also tend to seek adventures, emotions, provocations… And these years are also especially relevant for political socialization and the development of related attitudes that generally remain stable throughout life.

Therefore, there are many risk factors related to radicalization that play an important role in this stage of life.

Many theoretical models and empirical studies on radicalization have focused on extremist Islamism because jihadist terrorism has been the greatest terrorist threat to Europe in recent years. However, it is closely followed by far-right terrorism.

Right-wing extremism is therefore a very important social problem and represents a great threat to minorities as well as to democracy itself. Far-right ideologies are often behind hate crimes, which are highly problematic because they are a consequence of ideologies of inequality, exclusion and violence, representing anti-Semitic, xenophobic, homophobic or sexist attitudes, among others.

The objective of this article is, therefore, to analyze this type of extremism by examining the conditions of origin and other associated risk factors.

What happens is that, to capture the complexity of attitude patterns, statistical analyzes are not enough. Experts support the idea of using people-centered methods, which would be more helpful. For example, latent class analyzes can examine the different “constellations” of xenophobic or anti-Semitic attitudes within a population.

The authors’ study focuses, therefore, on the far-right attitudes of a sample of adolescents, using a latent class analysis.

A total of 6,335 young people aged between 13 and 19 participated in it, although the vast majority were between 14 and 15.

The basis of the study was a quantitative online questionnaire that lasted approximately 90 minutes, which included questions about various topics; for example, political attitudes, religion, social environment, leisure activities, online activities, etc.

More than half of the adolescents in the sample belonged to a class (or group) characterized by strong disagreement with all attitudes related to the extreme right.

However, the group labeled as “the extremists” (that is, the people who did show extreme right-wing attitudes) showed some characteristics: the vast majority were predominantly male and had very high feelings of social deprivation. This would be consistent with some previous research. Strong feelings of political deprivation and a tendency toward violent crime also appeared for this class.

The “anti-authoritarian” group was characterized by very low levels of political deprivation and very little propensity for violent crime.

These ideas lead us to understand that prevention approaches that target all groups are not effective, since each one has its own special needs.

It seems necessary, therefore, to have different prevention objectives for specific groups, in addition to taking into account the gender problematic, since it has been seen that young men are at greater risk.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Could Expanding and Investing in First-Episode Psychosis Services Prevent Aggressive Behaviour and Violent Crime?” by Hodgins, S. (2022), in which the author carries out a revision about previous literature about the treatments that people with schizophrenia have received to improve their aggressive behavior. 

Schizophrenia is a very complex and difficult to treat mental illness, which causes suffering to those who suffer it in the first person, but also their loved ones.

Some people who develop or present it, engage in aggressive and sometimes criminal behavior.

Most of these individuals suffer a first episode of psychosis that marks a before and after, but before this episode they usually show behaviors with a certain level of aggressiveness.

However, the needed services to treat the first episodes of psychosis have improved the care of these people, by their early interventions in the course of the illness. This would also help with violent behavior, since some people with schizophrenia have a history of violent behavior and even antisocial behavior since childhood, so they will need urgent treatment. 

Even so, the reality is that many care services for the first episode of psychosis do not treat or evaluate aggressive behavior, so patients manifest them inside and outside psychiatric services.

On many occasions, when this aggressive behavior explodes and someone gets hurt, the perpetrator is charged with a violent crime. Some of these people are judged not criminally responsible due to the mental disorder they suffer, and are sent to forensic psychiatric hospitals. Others are found guilty and sentenced to prison in a conventional center.

In other words, the human costs of the inability to identify and treat these patients when they first come to clinical services are enormous.

Existing literature indicates that first episode psychotic care services have the potential to prevent many manifestations of these aggressive behaviors and, therefore, violent crimes by people with schizophrenia.

This would reduce the human suffering of patients and victims, as well as the costs of police, courts, prisons and other social care resources, also helping to reduce the stigma against people with mental illnesses.

There is evidence that confirms that people with schizophrenia are more likely than their peers of the same age and gender to engage in aggressive behavior (which, in turn, can lead to criminal prosecution). They are at higher risk of being convicted of non-violent and violent crimes, and especially of being convicted of homicide. However, mental health services for people with schizophrenia do not assess or treat aggressive behaviors.

A meta-analysis found that 35% of people who contacted care services for their first episode of psychosis had previously suffered at least one aggression.

For example, a study with more than 200 people treated by these services, carried out in the United Kingdom, found that a third of men and 10% of women were convicted or found not guilty for mental illness in at least one violent crime . That is, it appears that most patients with schizophrenia who display aggressive behavior are indeed at increased risk of offending.

In general, among the people that present a first episode of psychosis and suffer from schizophrenia, there are two groups: one of them are people who have a long history of violent behavior problems that have sometimes ended up turning into crimes, and on the other hand, there are the people who recently manifest this type of aggressive behavior.

Another significant piece of information is provided by a study carried out in Canada, which reports that the majority of people declared not criminally responsible due to a mental disorder, between 2000 and 2005, were men with a diagnosis of schizophrenia who had committed a violent crime.

A meta-analysis showed that 29-38% of the patients seen in first-episode psychosis clinics used cannabis regularly. Another meta-analysis found that, among people with severe mental illness, the risk of violent attitudes increased between two and five times with cannabis use. This suggests that these people may also suffer from an addiction disorder.

On the other hand, adults with schizophrenia show higher levels of victimization than their neighbors, even after being aware of their own criminality, and are also more at risk of being victims of homicide.

It has been shown that when treatment is applied to these patients, which in addition to being focused on schizophrenia also focuses on violent behavior, their mental health improves and aggressive episodes are reduced.

Therefore, all the available evidence suggests that identifying and treating this behavior, in addition to psychosis, would reduce the suffering of patients, and the secondary human and economic costs. In addition, it would promote the safety of patients and their loved ones and help them with their independence and autonomy.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Juvenile Homicide Offenders Look Back 35 years later: Reasons They Were Involved In Murder” by Heide, K. M. (2020), in which the author carries out a series of interviews with people that, in their youth, served time for committing murders, to investigate which are the causes that made them commit them, according to their own opinion.

 The homicide committed by young people and the subsequent treatment of justice with them, has been a controversial issue and to which experts have paid attention especially since the last century.

When young people engage in violent crime, especially murder, society questions why, and what should be done about them.

In the context of the United States there are two periods in which the murders committed by minors increased. The first occurred between 1960 and 1975, when juvenile arrests for murder and homicide increased by 200%. The second stage occurred between 1984 and 1993, when arrests of minors went from 1,004 to 3,284. In addition, of these arrests, the percentage of homicides went from 7.3% to 16.2%.

This significant increase in the involvement of minors in murders also occurred at a time when the youth population was declining.

Experts warned the nation to expect a wave of young predators and predicted there would be a continued escalation in child murders in the coming years.

In response to this phenomenon, a series of laws were passed in the United States in the late 1980s and 1990s that facilitated the transfer of juveniles involved in serious crimes such as murder to adult court.

Juveniles convicted in the adult criminal justice system during that period, like them, were subject to the death penalty, life in prison without parole, and long prison terms.

In the 21st century, the courts of the United States recognized that minors have a different development from that of adults. Because their brains are not fully developed, they are less equipped to critically assess situations and tend to be more impulsive. They are also more vulnerable to peer pressure and have limited ability to extricate themselves from unfavorable environments in their homes or neighbourhoods.

Some experts investigate what happened to these young people once a few years had passed since the crime was committed. Those who had been released from prison, had they reoffended? Those who had not been released, had they reoffended in prison?

Vries and Liem followed 137 young people convicted of homicide who were admitted to juvenile facilities in the Netherlands. The follow-up was carried out for a period between 1 and 16 years. 59% were sentenced again for other crimes, including more murders.

These authors consider that age at first arrest, age at time of homicide, number of prior crimes, and relationships with criminal friends were significant predictors of crime.

To analyze recidivism, impressions regarding their crimes, and other factors, the author conducted a series of interviews with people who were part of the sample of one of Heide’s studies.

Heide conducted five follow-up studies of a group of young men convicted of murder, attempted murder, or homicide. These young people had been tried in adult courts with the consequent penalties.

At the time of writing this article, these young people were already a little over 50 years old, because 35 had passed since the first study. They were given semi-structured interviews with open and closed questions about their experiences in prison, their post-release experiences, recidivism, and were asked preferably what the reasons were for getting into trouble.

One factor stands out as the most important reason. 70% of the participants identified peer pressure as the most influential factor in their criminal involvement. More than 50% said that the most important factors were drug addiction, in addition to living with daily crime in their neighborhoods.

This is consistent with subcultural theory and social disorganization theory.

Only a third of those interviewed said they acted impulsively. We must remember that impulsiveness is a very significant feature of psychopathy and a major factor in the self-control theory of crime, which is sometimes also called the general theory of crime.

Within the limitations of the study, the author points out that the follow-up period should be reduced, since some subjects who participated in the original study had already died when these interviews were conducted.

She proposes dissuading rehabilitated youth from returning to their old neighborhoods, particularly if their homes were in communities where crime was common. It is also recommended that they do not associate with their old friends if they still live in this environment.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers

Friends of the Forensic Sciences Club, this week we present the paper “Characterizing trajectories of anxiety, depression, and criminal offending in male adolescents over the 5 year following their first arrest”, by Baker, A. E.; Padgaonkar, N. T.; Galván, A.; Frick, P. J.; Steinberg, L. and Cauffman, E. (2022), in which authors carry out a study to know how anxiety, depression and other factors related to mental health affect young offenders’ lives, starting from their first arrest.

The possibility of entering prison and being tried for a crime is not pleasant for anyone. Therefore, it is not surprising that youth who are in contact with the justice system experience higher levels of internalizing symptoms such as anxiety and depression, compared to youth who do not offend.

The rates of anxiety and depression in this population are especially worrying. Almost half of the young people involved in justice meet clinical criteria for internalizing psychological problems.

And about half of adult men in the same situation experience mental health disorders while serving time, and even once they are free.

In addition, mental health problems go hand in hand with criminological problems: people who continue offending after adolescence are almost three times more likely to experience health problems.

Another important fact is that young people in the justice system rarely receive treatment, which is related to an increased risk of substance abuse, academic failure and emotional disorders that will last into adulthood, including an increased risk of suicide.

It is a very important topic and needs to be addressed, because most psychiatric disorders appear during adolescence or early adulthood, a period in which risky behaviors also reach their peak.

But what does the existing literature say about it? The results of a 2019 study suggest a temporal cascade in which behavioral problems in childhood translate into negative social outcomes, contributing to depression in adolescence, which in turn may contribute to adolescent or adult delinquency later.

In a sample that was followed for six years until 2012, youth showing high levels of depression were at risk of increasing their disruptive behavior, and youth showing high levels of disruptive behavior were at risk of developing much higher depression symptoms.

What this work proposes is to find out if the trajectory of the symptoms and the offensive trajectory change with the entry of young people into the justice system and how they do so.

First, the authors wanted to characterize the average trajectory of the internalization of criminal symptoms and behaviors of young people after their first contact with the justice system. Given that the prevalence of mental health disorders tends to increase after first contact with the justice system, authors hypothesized that the group would show a progressive increase in them.

In addition, due to the increase of criminal behavior during adolescence and young adulthood, the continuation of delinquency into adulthood was also hypothesized.

The second objective was to examine whether the change in mental health is related to the change in delinquency, or vice versa, and to describe this relationship if it exists.

For all of this, 1,216 male adolescents were evaluated during the five years that followed their first arrest. These arrests were made for minor, medium-range crimes, such as thefts, simple assaults, or vandalism. They were evaluated every six months for the first three years, after which the interviews were given annually.

The results of the study indicated that anxiety and depression change along with criminal behaviors in male adolescents after their first arrest, so the greater improvement in mental health, the higher level of decrease in delinquency, and vice versa. These findings highlight the intertwined nature of internalizing symptoms and externalizing behaviors, and underscore the importance of considering mental health in studies of juvenile recidivism.

When the youth met the justice system, an initial decrease in anxiety and depression was seen, followed by an increase in symptoms a few years later.

The latter suggests that involvement in the justice system influences the trajectory of symptoms and worsens them as youth develop.

In addition, when young people had grown up in poor and problematic neighborhoods, they presented a greater severity in the anxiety and depression suffered, which is in line with previous studies that highlight that the disorganization of the neighborhood and exposure to violence can increase the risk of mental health problems in adolescents.

Despite the usefulness of this study, one limitation is that it was carried out only with young men, so perhaps the results cannot be applied to the female sex, therefore, authors recommend exploring this dimension.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

Friends of the Forensic Science Club, this week we present the paper “Racial Essentialism and Stress: a Deadly Combination for Prospective Police Officers’ Encounters with Black Suspects” de Tawa, J. (2022), in which the author carries out an experiment to know how stress and racial stereotypes affect police when suspects are not caucasian people. 

We have seen on many occasions how police violence against black people is exposed on social networks or in the media, becoming a phenomenon that is unprecedented in today’s contemporary society.

Documented analysis of police shootings generally finds that black suspects are disproportionately killed relative to white suspects. However, these analysis cannot study all variables that influence police action. 

Previous studies have successfully carried out experiments where participants had to make decisions in real time that would be affected by their racial prejudices and would make them choose between using deadly force or not.

Typically, in these studies, participants sat in front of a computer and viewed images of black and white suspectes, who were armed and unarmed, and were asked questions about the photograph, such as whether or not they would shoot.

What must be questioned about these studies, among other things, is that the programs that analyze the results do not infer types of affective states, such as psychological stress, or the cognitive processes experienced by police officers who make decisions on the use of lethal force in unpredictable, high-pressure situations.

The author points out, in an attempt to find an explanation for these events, the idea of ​​stress and racial bias. It is possible that one affects the other, depending on the extent to which the participants believe in racial prejudices, for example, believing that black people are naturally aggressive and unpredictable.

Research on “attentional control theory” suggests that when people are under stress, they tend to disproportionately allocate visual attention to stimuli they perceive as threatening. Therefore, it is logical that those who essentialize race and believe in the stereotypes associated with it, pay excessive attention to black suspects.

It is for this reason that identifying the way in which these stereotypes, stress and visual attention interact with each other could be of great help in the development of police training programs.

But what is the real data so far? In a study regarding shootings in St. Louis that took place between 2003 and 2012, it was found that incidents of community violence within black communities accounted for the highest percentage of police use of deadly force.

There are experts in the scientific community who support the idea that this happens simply because there are objectively higher levels of threat of violence towards police officers. However, other studies have found evidence that communities with higher numbers of black people experience higher levels of police use of deadly force, even when there is no objective threat.

All of this suggests to us that the level of deadly force used by police officers may be the result of their subjective perceptions of violent threat, and these perceptions may be influenced by racist stereotypes, such as the idea, for example, that black people are more dangerous.

Another important fact is that, at the time of writing the article, an analysis published that African-American men and women represented 22.9% of deaths at the hands of police, despite being approximately 13% of the population of the United States of America.

Despite the valuable contributions that have been made to try to shed light on the subject, laboratory experiments have several limitations, including the fact that they do not induce affective states (such as stress when experiencing a real situation) or cognitive processes.

Therefore, the author carries out his own experiment where he tries to correct this limitation. To do this, he filmed a series of scenarios with interactions between a suspect, sometimes white and sometimes black, and a police officer, with a 360º video camera, which can be seen with virtual reality glasses in a very immersive way. Stress was measured by pupil dilation, which has already been shown to be a reliable indicator of stress.

49 people participated, 98% of them were born in the US and all were white. They were told that they should shoot the suspect if they felt his or someone else’s life was in danger.

The results obtained are in line with what is expected. Neither stress nor racial essentialism had a direct impact on the care of black suspects separately, but in combination, they did.

The idea that stress can harm but also improve performance is not new. Perhaps then, in the absence of racial stereotyping, participants have some freedom to allocate cognitive resources to detecting social contextual cues within a pressured environment; facilitating the obtaining of clues about the real danger or the innocence of the suspect.

The most encouraging aspect of the study is that while racial essentialism had detrimental consequences in deciding whether or not to use deadly force, there is research that suggests that these racial views can be mitigated through education.

If you want to know more about the criminal mind, criminal profiling, and forensic science, don’t miss our Certificate in Criminal Profiling, a 100% online program certified by Heritage University (USA), with special grants for the Forensic Science Club readers.

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